Polish Round Table Agreement

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Polish Round Table Agreement

Is it true that the leaders of Solidarity misjudged the situation? It seems that they did not. Discussions with the authorities showed a very long amount of airtime, as wassa and its consultants were planning their long-term activities. They hoped that legalized solidarity would gain strength over time and that political associations and associations would be the beginning of civil society. It was a social movement of a political nature that, over time, would gradually increase the pressure on the authorities. The strategy was scalable, not revolutionary. It was born out of the conviction of Solidarity`s leaders that the public authorities could still hold the dominant position and dictate the terms of the agreement. Moreover, people and his advisers still remembered martial law and feared that the communists, if pushed into a corner, would again call tanks in the street. To this day, the meaning and value of the roundtable under Poland is highly controversial. The words “treason” and “manipulation” are heard in almost every discussion of the events of April 1989. Some deplore the fact that the roundtable agreements did not punish the Communists for their crimes. Others are upset that many officials of the old regime have acquired wealth and authority in the new state. Still others are angry because the new Poland is a liberal democracy and not a state based on Catholic values.

Among the many letters of protest we received was a poem written by a certain Miroslaw Mr. Krupinski, who complained of “traitors” who “10 years later, thick and arrogant/well-fed profit, and victorious/without quarrels, all disagreements/return a toast – in Michigan.” [1] 7 February 1989 The spirit of the mornok erupted timidly in Poland, where talks finally began yesterday at the round table between the government and the solidarity opposition. It`s more than a lame translation of Glasnost. While the rejection of the Brezhnev doctrine was a precondition for reform of Eastern Europe, Poland`s easing is a product of Polish efforts to free itself from its own trap. The process began with remarkable speed. Two years ago, Mr. Lech Walesa concluded his autobiography by deeming Poland “at a standstill”. Today, it is moving again, not as a result of a victory, but because the government and the opposition clearly see how much they have lost. “Polish political theatre,” he adds, showing the scenes on the television screen in the corner of his office, when the closing of the eight-week roundtable roundtable is broadcast live to the nation. After two months of negotiations, the Minister of the Interior, General Czeslaw Kiszczak, and the leader of Solidarity, Mr.

Lech Walesa, put the pen in the middle of the television lighting at the massive round table of a 17th century Warsaw palace, where the Radziwill aristocrats once stood. Lech Walesa said yesterday that Solidarnosc, born again, hopes to gain about 5 to 7 million members – not quite the 10 million in 1981. And Solidarity got the government`s hesitant agreement to tie it to wages at 80% of the rate of inflation. In other words, it has accepted a 20% reduction in the standard of living of its potential members. Despite opposition from Solidarity and the government, there are many special interests that would not be saddened by Mr. Miodowicz`s success. But conflicts of interest and deep differences, which Solidarity and the reformist wing of the party say, that the desperation of the situation requires a successful new social contract.